“Building homes on brownfield land will be turbocharged under a major shake-up to planning rules to boost housebuilding while protecting the Green Belt. “
For a concise summary of today’s DLUHC announcements and all the links, see my Town Legal colleague Susie Herbert’s post.
I have seen some understandable cynicism about the proposed changes – along the lines of “it’s motivated by the politics” (obviously in part yes); and/or “it’s in dribs and drabs, why couldn’t this have been done as part of the December 2023 NPPF changes?” (well yes, although maybe better late than never?); and/or ”none of it will make a difference” (I’ll declare an interest having assisted British Land and Land Sec in a small way last year with their report More Growth, More Homes, More Jobs: how to reform the planning system to unlock urban regeneration – but I would have said this anyway – I think the announced changes could well make a difference – and in fact there are plenty more within that report that are worthy of consideration!).
There is of course already existing policy encouragement (albeit rather general) in paragraph 124 (c) of the NPPF, which states that planning policies and decisions should “give substantial weight to the value of using suitable brownfield land within settlements for homes and other identified needs.”
The Government proposes to strengthen that message with the following additional wording within paragraph 129 (c):
“local planning authorities should refuse applications which they consider fail to make efficient use of land, taking into account the policies in this Framework, especially where this involves land which is previously developed. In this context, when considering applications for housing, authorities should give significant weight to the benefits of delivering as many homes as possible and take a flexible approach in applying planning policies or guidance relating to daylight and sunlight and internal layouts of development, where they would otherwise inhibit making the most efficient use of a site (as long as the resulting scheme would provide acceptable living standards).” [new passages underlined]
I do think this does move the dial further with those references to “delivering as many homes as possible” and (particularly in London) the “flexible approach in applying planning policies or guidance relating to … internal layouts of development”.
The dial will then move into full “tilted balance” paragraph 11 (d) territory for those boroughs in London and those other 19 towns and cities subject to the urban uplift, where their Housing Delivery Test results (to be published in May) indicate that their delivery of housing was below 95% of the housing requirement over the previous 3 years.
For an indication of the potential outturn of those results see Ross Raftery’s excellent Lichfields blog post today, Testing times for England’s big cities – an extended reach for the presumption and other NPPF changes.
This strengthening of the tests is likely to make a difference (even during this consultation period): it will influence the way that planning committees are advised when they come to make decisions; it will focus a broader spread of authorities on the potential consequences of not meeting delivery targets (admittedly not fully within their control, but certainly partly), and it will certainly influence how inspectors and the Secretary of State approach appeals and call-ins.
In London there is also much good analysis in the excellent report prepared by Christopher Katkowski KC and his panel. From the executive summary:
“6 The consequences of housing under-delivery have significant economic, societal and personal impacts, not least on those who face no alternative option but homelessness (living in temporary accommodation), or who are forced into poor-quality rental accommodation.
7 Public and private sector stakeholders are clear in their view that the London Plan is not the sole source of the problem: wider macro-economic conditions; fire safety; infrastructure constraints; statutory consultees; viability difficulties; and planning resourcing pressures have all contributed.
8 However, there is persuasive evidence that the combined effect of the multiplicity of policies in the London Plan now works to frustrate rather than facilitate the delivery of new homes, not least in creating very real challenges to the viability of schemes. We heard that policy goals in the Plan are being incorrectly applied mechanistically as absolute requirements: as ‘musts’ rather than ‘shoulds’. There is so much to navigate and negotiate that wending one’s way through the application process is expensive and time-consuming, particularly for SMEs who deliver the majority of London’s homes.
9 This position is exacerbated by the change in context since the London Plan was formulated. The London Plan’s ‘Good Growth’ policies were advanced on the basis of public and private sector investment assumptions that were described in 2019 as being “ambitious but realistic” by the London Plan Inspectors. But planning and housing delivery indicators suggest this strategy has not been sufficiently resilient to the subsequent change in circumstances. Housing schemes (and decision makers on applications) have struggled to reconcile the multiple policy exhortations, which create uncertainty and delay in the preparation, submission and determination of planning applications.”
Many will also welcome the Secretary of State including within his consultation paper the question as to whether the threshold for referral of applications to the Mayor should be raised:
“As part of the large scale development theme, a threshold for large scale residential development was first set in the previous regulations in 2000 as development providing more than 500 houses, flats, or houses and flats or residential development on more than 10 hectares. In 2008, this threshold was reduced to 150 houses, flats or houses and flats.
Through engagement, the government is aware that in some instances this threshold is considered to be too low, requiring what may amount to duplicative interactions by developers with the relevant London Borough and with the Greater London Authority which is not always considered proportionate to the nature of the development in question.
The government wants to make sure that this threshold is set at the right level, in order that it adds value to the process of determining applications for potential strategic importance (especially for residential development), and does not inadvertently slow down or disincentivise developments that could be appropriately determined by the London Borough.”
In conclusion, will building homes on brownfield land be “turbocharged under a major shake-up to planning rules”? It’s more a ratcheting-up of policy than a “major shake-up to planning rules” (thankfully). And whilst I refuse to engage with that ridiculous, very Boris Johnson, word “turbocharged” and whilst this is a very late initiative for a Government that is fast running out of road, let’s hope there is at least some acceleration as a result.
Simon Ricketts, 13 February 2024
Personal views, et cetera