Category: Infrastructure

Water Water Everywhere, Nor Any Drop To Drink

“Day after day, day after day,

We stuck, nor breath nor motion;

As idle as a painted ship

Upon a painted ocean.”

(from The Rime of the Ancient Mariner, by Samuel Taylor Coleridge, 1834)

But that’s all I’m going to say about MIPIM. This post is just a toe dip into (1) flood risk and (2) water scarcity.

Water Water Everywhere

Government policy on planning and flood risk is set out in paragraphs 165 to 175 of the current December 2023 version of the NPPF, supplemented by Government’s Planning Practice Guidance on flood risk and coastal change. The Environment Agency is the Government’s statutory planning consultee on flood risk issues.

The proper interpretation of the Government’s policy on flood risk, and in particular on the risk-based sequential approach to locating development which is at the heart of it, was considered in two recent cases. In relation to each of them I am simply going to point to the relevant Town Library summary (to subscribe for free to our weekly case law and other summaries click here ).

R (Substation Action Save East Suffolk Limited) v Secretary of State for Energy Security and Net Zero (Court of Appeal, 17 January 2024)

My colleague Jack Curnow summarised this case here. This was a legal challenge to two development consent orders for the construction of the East Anglia ONE North and East Anglia TWO Offshore Wind Farms together with associated onshore and offshore development. The environmental statement for the project dealt with flooding from surface water stated that the onshore substations and National Grid Infrastructure were located in areas primarily at low risk of surface water flooding, with some permanent infrastructure (parts of access roads) likely to cross areas at both high risk and medium risk of surface water flooding, with appropriate mitigation measures within the design to address any remaining surface water flood risk concerns. The court held that the sequential approach does not apply to the risk of flooding from surface water, as opposed to the risk of fluvial flooding. Whilst the risk of flooding from surface water is to be taken into account when deciding whether to grant development consent, that is a matter of planning judgment for the decision maker.

Mead Realisations Limited v Secretary of State (Holgate J, 12 February 2024)

My colleague Chatura Saravanan summarised this case here. This case dealt with two challenges to inspectors’ decision letters:

a) a decision to dismiss the appeal by Mead Realisations Limited against the refusal by North Somerset Council for a residential development of up to 75 dwellings; and

b) a decision to dismiss the appeal by Redrow Homes Limited against the refusal by Hertsmere Borough Council for a residential development of up to 310 units and other facilities.

The claims were heard together as they raised the common central issue of what is the correct interpretation and application of the flood risk sequential test. Specifically, Mead and Redrow argued that the Inspectors misinterpreted paragraph 162 (now 168) of the NPPF in identifying what might be “reasonably available” sites under the sequential approach, in that they applied the guidance in paragraph 028 of the PPG, which conflicted with paragraph 162 of the NPPF. This raised the question of whether the PPG did indeed conflict with the NPPF and, if so, whether the NPPF should supersede the PPG.

Holgate J held that there was no rule that the PPG could not be inconsistent with the NPPF:

“As a matter of policy, PPG is intended to support the NPPF. Ordinarily, therefore, it is to be expected that the interpretation and application of PPG will be compatible with the NPPF. However, I see no legal justification for the suggestion that the Secretary of State cannot adopt PPG which amends, or is inconsistent with, the NPPF”.

However he held that in any event there was no conflict in any event:

“The PPG performs the legitimate role of elucidating the open-textured policy in the NPPF. The PPG describes “reasonably available sites” as sites “in a suitable location for the type of development with a reasonable prospect that the site is available to be developed at the point in time envisaged for the development.” The PPG provides for issues as to suitability of location, development type, and temporal availability to be assessed by the decision-maker as a matter of judgment in accordance with the principles set out above. In this context, the PPG correctly states that “lower-risk sites” do not need to be owned by the applicant to be considered “reasonably available.” That is consistent with the need for flexibility on all sides.”

For a number of more detailed arguments raised by the claimants (and all rejected), it’s worth reading the case itself or Chatura’s summary.

Nor Any Drop To Drink

Water scarcity is becoming one of those worrying “neutrality” issues which can cut across the more familiar uncertainties of the planning system – see the ongoing issues in Sussex referred to in my 9 October 2021 blog post Development Embargos: Nitrate, Phosphate & Now Water .

Another area where water scarcity concerns have been raised is of course Cambridge (where Samuel Taylor Coleridge was an undergraduate at Jesus College between 1791 and 1794 – these blog posts aren’t just thrown together). The Secretary of State’s 24 July 2023 long-term plan for housing committed to “transformational change” in Cambridge:

“Proposals will see Cambridge supercharged as Europe’s science capital, addressing constraints that have left the city with some of the most expensive property markets outside London, and companies fighting over extremely limited lab space and commercial property with prices that rival London, Paris and Amsterdam.

These ambitious plans to support Cambridge include a vision for a new quarter of well-designed, sustainable and beautiful neighbourhoods for people to live in, work and study. A quarter with space for cutting-edge laboratories, commercial developments fully adapted to climate change and that is green, with life science facilities encircled by country parkland and woodland accessible to all who live in Cambridge.

Any development of this scale will have substantial infrastructure requirements. The government will deliver as much of the infrastructure and affordable housing as possible using land value capture – with the local area benefiting from the significant increase in land values that can occur when agricultural land is permitted for residential and commercial development. Land values will reflect the substantial contributions required to unlock the development (see annex).

A Cambridge Delivery Group, chaired by Peter Freeman and backed by £5 million, will be established to begin driving forward this project. The Group will work to turn this vision into a reality, taking a lead on identifying the housing, infrastructure, services and green space required. It will also consider options for an appropriate delivery mechanism that will be needed to lead the long-term work on planning, land acquisition and engagement with developers, starting in this Parliament but running through the next few years as development takes shape.”

The Delivery Group was to “take forward immediate action to address barriers such as water scarcity across the city, including:

  • Convening a Water Scarcity Working Group with the Environment Agency, Ofwat, central and local government and innovators across industries to identify and accelerate plans to address water constraints. The Group will include all relevant partners to understand what it would take to accelerate building the proposed new Fens Reservoir and enabling Cambridge to reach its economic potential.
  • Supporting the council in efforts to make sure new developments proposed as part of the local plan can be as sustainable as possible, including whether new houses in planned developments such as Waterbeach and Hartree can be made more water efficient. To support this, the government is announcing today a £3 million funding pot to help support measures to improve the water efficiency of existing homes and commercial property across Cambridge, to help offset demands created by new developments in the local plan.
  • The government will also take definitive action to unblock development where it has stalled, providing £500,000 of funding to assist with planning capacity. Cambridge City Council, Anglian Water, Land Securities PLC and Homes England will work together to accelerate the relocation of water treatment works in Northeast Cambridge (subject to planning permission), unlocking an entire new City quarter – delivering approaching 6,000 sustainable well-designed homes in thriving neighbourhoods – as well as schools, parks and over 1 million square feet of much needed commercial life science research space.”

On 6 March 2024 DLUHC published The case for Cambridge :

“Our first priority is water scarcity, which is holding back development and risks causing environmental harm. It is vital that the city has the water supply it needs to support long-term growth, including a new reservoir in the Fens and a new pipeline to transfer water from nearby Grafham Water. We are also making a one-off intervention to support growth in the shorter-term by delivering water savings through improved water efficiency of appliances in existing buildings that can offset new homes and commercial space.

The government will:

  • Deliver a unique offsetting intervention to save water now through improving efficiency and support sustainable growth – set out in detail in a paper published alongside this document.
  • Issue a joint statement from the Environment Agency, Greater Cambridge Shared Planning, DLUHC and Defra, outlining our commitment to sustainable growth and development on the basis of our water credits scheme.
  • Appoint Dr Paul Leinster to chair the Water Scarcity Group to advise the government on future water resource options, including the reservoir in the Fens and the Grafham Water pipeline.”

Alongside the case for Cambridge document, a joint statement between DLUHC, Defra, the Environment Agency and Greater Cambridge councils (Cambridge City and South Cambridgeshire districts) on measures to address water scarcity issues in the area was published on the same day, setting out its proposed scheme to develop, and help to fund, a water credits market “intended to provide greater certainty through:

a. The delivery of water savings measures in the Cambridge Water operating area, supported by the government’s spending.

b. A robust water credit system being in place to assure those water savings and issue credit certificates to developers and housebuilders.

c. Application of enforceable planning mechanisms so that planning permissions are linked to water savings measures in a robust way.”

The focus is of course welcome but water scarcity is increasingly going to be a challenge facing us in many parts of the country– see for instance this 4 September 2023 FT article The UK is at risk of running low on water. Why?   (although the answer to the question in the heading to the article may lie in its sub-heading: “A country famous for its rainy climate faces grave supply issues, after years of poorly managed systems”…)

NB Did you know that 15 out of the 22 albatross species remain threatened with extinction? How stupid are we as a species – and how ignorant of the message of that poem?

Simon Ricketts, 16 March 2024

Personal views, et cetera

Drive Time

Turbulent times as the Conservative party desperately looks to position itself for the next general election, still mindful, it seems, of its narrow, anti-ULEZ fuelled, win in the Uxbridge and South Ruislip by-election in July 2023.

I wonder if the prime minister has recently read chapter 9 of the NPPF (“Promoting Sustainable Transport”)?

 I wonder if the prime minister recalls that since 1 June 2023 a new Government quango, Active Travel England is a statutory consultee on all large planning applications to “to help planning authorities in their work to implement good active travel design – for example, by ensuring developments include walking, wheeling and cycling connectivity to schools and local amenities. This will help improve public health, save people money and reduce harmful emissions.” ATE’s framework document may be seen as dangerously woke in this new political climate, aiming to deliver increases in active travel to 50% of all journeys in urban areas.

I wonder if the prime minister recalls his Government’s Net Zero Strategy: Build Back Greener with commitments such as:

  • “End the sale of new petrol and diesel cars and vans from 2030; from 2035, all new cars and vans must be zero emission at the tailpipe.” (long gone)
  • “Increase the share of journeys taken by public transport, cycling and walking.”
  • “Invest £2 billion in cycling and walking, building first hundreds, then thousands of miles of segregated cycle lane and more low-traffic neighbourhoods with the aim that half of all journeys in towns and cities will be cycled or walked by 2030. As announced in the Transport Decarbonisation Plan, we will create at least one zero emission transport city.”

The party’s Manchester conference saw two major policy announcements by the Government on transport (neither made first to Parliament as convention requires):

The Plan for Drivers  (2 October 2023)

Network North: Transforming British Transport (4 October 2023)

From the foreword to the Plan for Drivers, the car is king again:

“There’s nothing wrong with driving. Most of us use a car and, for many, life would not be liveable without their car. For those in rural areas, it is a lifeline. A car can hugely expand the independence of a younger person, as well as keep older people connected to key services and their families.”

There is the rather grudging nod to other modes of transport, but whatever you do, don’t vilify the private car:

“Walking, cycling and public transport are necessary in a multi-modal transport system and we support their continued growth, but they are not the right choice for everyone’s journey. Being pro-public transport does not mean being anti-car. The easy political choice is to vilify the private car even when it’s been one of the most powerful forces for personal freedom and economic growth in the last century. Used appropriately and considerately, the car was, is, and will remain a force for good.”

That first sentence is somewhat mealy mouthed in the face of what follows. The Government apparently intends to:

  • “update guidance (in England) on 20mph speed limits. While 20mph zones are an important tool in improving road safety in residential areas, over-use risks undermining public acceptance, so we are clear that 20mph zones should be considered on a road-by-road basis to ensure local consent, not as blanket measures
  • stop local authorities using so-called “15-minute cities” to police people’s lives. We will consult on measures including the removal of local authorities’ access to DVLA data to enforce such schemes by camera
  • following the LTN review, consider new guidance on LTNs with a focus on the importance of local support, and consider as part of the LTN review how to address existing LTNs that have not secured local consent”

Local authorities policing people’s lives via “15 minute cities” enforced by cameras? Bizarre.

There will be restrictions on the operation of bus lanes, measures to make parking easier, discouragement of penalty charge notices. And so it goes on.

And then today we had, to accompany the prime minister’s party conference speech, Network North – serving as the political cover for today’s decision to scrap HS2 north of Birmingham. Regardless of the noise about monies being diverted to other transport projects (many of which, worryingly for our climate change targets, are of course road projects), the cancellation decision is disturbing – not just for people and businesses who would have benefited from the longer route – but of course hugely upsetting also those whose properties have already been taken, as well of all of us whose money has been spent, irreversibly changing the environment including areas of outstanding natural beauty and ancient woodlands, on the basis of asserted public benefits that will now never be fully realised. In retrospect, today’s decision raises question marks over the initial decision by David Cameron’s government to proceed – as well as subsequent governments’ decisions to continue.

I was at least pleased to see that the Government has at re-committed to the line actually reaching Euston:

“We are going to strip back the project and deliver a station that works, and that can be open and running trains as soon as possible, and which has the leadership in place to deliver maximum value to the taxpayer. We will not provide a tunnel between Euston and Euston Square underground station or design features we do not need. Instead we will deliver a 6-platform station which can accommodate the trains we will run to Birmingham and onwards and which best supports regeneration of the local area. That is how we properly unlock the opportunities the new station offers, while radically reducing its costs.

We will appoint a development company, separate from HS2 Ltd, to manage the delivery of this project. We will also take on the lessons of success stories such as Battersea Power Station and Nine Elms, which secured £9 billion of private sector investment and thousands of homes. So we will harness the future growth that the station will unleash to support its development, to ensure we get the best possible value for the British taxpayer – and ensure that funding is underpinned by contributions from those people and businesses its development supports. At the same time, we are considerably upping the ambition of the Euston redevelopment, where we will be looking to establish a Development Corporation to create a transformed ‘Euston Quarter’ – potentially offering up to 10,000 homes.”

It will be interesting to see what ensues.

Foot to the floor, election ahead….

Simon Ricketts,4 October 2023

Personal views, et cetera

Detail from one of the first records I ever owned…

Get With The Project

The question as to “what is the project?” for the purposes of environmental impact assessment has been arising a lot since  R (Ashchurch Rural Parish Council) v Tewkesbury Borough Council (Court of Appeal, 7 February 2023), which I summarised in my 11 February 2023 blog post The Bridge To Nowhere Case. The facts in that case were stark but people have been worrying about how far to extrapolate the principle.

Perhaps this week’s ruling by the High Court in R (The Llandaff North Residents’ Association) v Cardiff Council (HHJ Jarman, 10 July 2023) may alleviate concerns.

Briefly, the Cardiff local development plan has allocated a large area north west of Cardiff for development, including at least 5,000 homes. Redrow Homes had been granted planning permission to build just under 6,000 homes on part of the allocation. To quote from the judgment:

“The application was accompanied by an environmental statement (ES) which stated that Dŵr Cymru had confirmed that the significant volume of foul sewage which would be generated by the proposal could be accommodated on its network, but a hydraulic modelling assessment (HMA) would be needed before the extent of infrastructure improvements and storm water removal from the network could be finalised. Outline permission was granted on the application in March 2017, condition 24 of which required a HMA to be approved.”

“Dŵr Cymru [the statutory undertaker with the responsibility of providing a sewerage system under the Water Industry Act 1991] in November 2021 submitted an application to build a pumping station to serve the developer’s proposal. This would comprise a pumping station at the north end of a large open space called Hailey Park to the east of, and on the banks of, the River Taff. The site of the pumping station is about 1Km away from the site of the developer’s proposed development. Also included in the application is a valve kiosk on the other side of the river. What is not included is a pipe under the river to connect the two, as Dŵr Cymru proposes to use permitted rights to construct it. The authority granted that application in September 2022.

At the same time, the authority granted an application made by the developer to discharge condition 24 after a HMA had been obtained. Two applications were made, because of re-design, and each was granted by the authority, the latest one in September 2022.

The claimant is an association of residents of Llandaff North, which adjoins Hailey Park to the east. With permission granted by Steyn J, it challenges both decisions of the authority to grant planning permission for the pumping station and to discharge condition 24.”

“The application was accompanied by a planning statement by Dŵr Cymru’s consultants, Arup, which stated that the need for the proposed development “derives from” the grant of planning permission for 6000 homes at Plasdŵr. Arup submitted a screening request in relation to the sewage scheme which was being provided for that development, recognising that it was “effectively part of” that development on the basis that it would provide that additional capacity needed “to serve the increase in the local population size.” Arup considered the proposed development to be listed as Schedule 2 development and identified several potential impacts, including to protected sites of international significance such as those located on the Severn Estuary, but did not consider the impacts to be significant.

The authority issued a negative screening opinion on the basis that the sewage scheme and the residential development are stand-alone projects, and gave several reasons. The two schemes would not be located on adjacent land. The former was being undertaken by Dŵr Cymru and the latter by the developer. The former was being undertaken not only to serve the latter but also other existing and potential developments in the area so that there was a functional relationship between the two but no functional interdependence. The former was considered to be the project for EIA purposes and did not exceed the thresholds set out in Schedule 2. Accordingly, the authority did not consider whether any potential impacts would be significant. A separate screening opinion was issued in respect of the pumping station, which mirrored that in respect of the sewage scheme.”

The claimant’s first two grounds of challenge were as follows:

“i) The authority failed to take into account that there is functional interdependence between the Plasdŵr development and Dŵr Cymru’s application and wrongly took into account that the pumping station will serve other developments in the area;

ii) The authority failed to consider an integral part of Dŵr Cymru’s proposal, namely a scheme to remove surface water from its network thus increasing its capacity for foul sewerage. So considered, the scheme as a whole would amount to Schedule 2 development under the Town and Country Planning (Environmental Impact Assessment) (Wales) Regulations 2017 (the EIA Regulations) requiring an environmental statement (ES)”.

So, we are back to the question of “what is the project?” Did the pumping station proposal require EIA because it was part of a larger project (the Redrow development) which had been the subject of EIA?

His Honour Judge Jarman summarised the caselaw:

“In R (Ashchurch Rural Parish Council) v Tewkesbury BC [2023] EWCA Civ 101, Andrews LJ, giving the lead judgment, said at [74] that the term “project” should be interpreted “broadly, and realistically”. At [80], she added that the identification of the project is based on a fact-specific inquiry.

What constitutes the project is a matter of judgment for the planning authority, subject to challenge on grounds of rationality or other public law error. Lang J in R (Wingfield) v Canterbury City Council [2019] EWHC 1975 (Admin) at [64] after a review of the authorities, identified four criteria against which that judgment may be made: (i) whether two sites are owned or promoted by the same person; (ii) simultaneous determination; (iii) functional interdependence; and (iv) stand-alone projects. These were cited with approval in Ashchurch at [81] as “a non-exhaustive list of potentially relevant criteria, which serves as a useful aide-memoir.”

These criteria were recently considered by Holgate J in R (Together against Sizewell C Ltd) v SSESNZ [2023] EWHC 1526 (Admin). At [73-4], he said:

“The weight to be given to them will depend upon the circumstances of each case and is a matter for the decision maker.

Interdependence would normally mean that each part of the development is dependent on the other, as, for example, in Burridge v Breckland District Council [2013] JPL 1308 at [32] and [42].“

At [70], Holgate J pointed out that an irrationality challenge presents a high threshold:

“The threshold for irrationality in the making of such a judgment is a difficult obstacle to surmount (see e.g. Newsmith Stainless Limited v Secretary of State for the Environment, Transport and the Regions [2017] PTSR 1126).

Although two sets of proposed works may have a cumulative effect on the environment, this does not make them a single project for these purposes. Two potential projects but with cumulative effects may need to be assessed, see R (Larkfleet Ltd) v South Kesteven DC [2015] EWCA Civ 887, Sales LJ (as he then was) at [36]…”

If I can pause there, the recent Sizewell case cited by HHJ Jarman was an interesting example of the courts’ regular attempts to avoid EIA becoming an impossible obstacle course. There the argument by the claimants was that the Sizewell C nuclear power project should be defined for the purposes of the Conservation of Habitats Regulations as encompassing proposals by  Northumbrian Water Limited to provide the significant amounts of potable water required during the construction, commissioning and operational phases of Sizewell C

Holgate J had this to say:

“The claimant’s argument has much wider implications. The need for the supply of utilities such as water is common to many, if not all, forms of development. A utility company’s need to make additional provision so as to be able to supply existing and new customers in the future does not mean that that provision (or its method of delivery) is to be treated as forming part of each new development which will depend upon that supply. The consequence would be that where a new supply has yet to be identified by the relevant utility company, decisions on those development projects would have to be delayed until the company is able to define and decide upon a proposal. That approach would lead to sclerosis in the planning system which it is the objective of the legislation and case law to avoid (R (Forest of Dean (Friends of the Earth)) v Forest of Dean District Council [2015] PTSR 1460 at [18]).

By way of a side-bar on this whole EIA sclerosis question, we all of course also await the Supreme Court’s ruling in R (Finch) v Surrey County Council on the question of whether it was unlawful for a local planning authority not to require the environmental impact assessment for a project of crude oil extraction for commercial purposes to include an assessment of the impacts of downstream greenhouse gas emissions resulting from the eventual use of the refined products of the extracted oil. The hearing took place on 21 and 22 June and if you have a couple of days spare (maybe you are between projects), you can watch it all here. By way of reminder, this was the Court of Appeal’s ruling, dated 17 February 2022.

Back to the Cardiff case. What did HHJ Jarman conclude on the facts? He found that the council’s planning officer was entitled to deal with the issue in the way that they had. “The fact that the pumping station is needed for the Plasdŵr development does not mean that it will not also serve other existing and potential developments in the area, and the officer and the authority were entitled to have regard to those matters. The high threshold of irrationality in this approach has not been surmounted.”

This is a helpful reminder both of how extreme the facts need to be (as they were with the bridge to nowhere) in order for a decision maker not to be able to conclude that works are not an integral part of a larger project and of the reluctance of the courts to interfere with the planning judgment reached on such issues by the decision maker.

I hope that calms some nerves.

I’m not sure nerves will have been calmed at DLUHC by publication on 14 July 2023 by the House of Commons Levelling Up, Housing and Communities Committee of its Reforms to National Planning Policy report. Let’s just say that when it comes to the Government’s proposed reforms, the Committee has not been getting with the project…

More on the report’s findings from the rest of your social media I am sure.

Finally, I’ve reluctantly got with another project. Having decided not to use Twitter since last November, I have signed up with the Meta alternative, Threads. It’s not perfect but if it places real pressure on Twitter to retreat from the harmful changes made since Elon Musk acquired that company, so much the better.  There are already plenty of familiar names on the Threads app and, if you can bear being subject to yet another mutant algorithm, it’s very easy to use (suspiciously similar to Twitter’s interface in fact). If you’re passing, I’m on it as @sricketts101.

Simon Ricketts, 15 July 2023

Personal views, et cetera

Euston We Have A Problem

I have been commuting into Euston station for over twenty years, experiencing increasing frustration: at the past we have lost; the future that we are losing, and at the tatty and graceless perma-temp arrangement we have today.

I’m not sure that this week’s Public Affairs Committee report, HS2 Euston (7 July 2023), has yet had the attention it deserves and I’ll come back to that. But first:

The past

The beauty of transport blog is good on the subject of the original 19th century station; see Lost Beauty #9: Hardwick’s Hall (the Old Euston Station, London, UK) with these wonderful images:

It must have been quite something.

But then so was the 1968 modernist version of Euston when it opened:

 

This 1968 British Rail brochure gushed with excitement at the wonders of the grill room, party catering room, “high class toilets with showers and baths” and underground car park, showing no regret for the previous building that had been swept away.

Since then, the modernist lines of the new station have of course long been lost by way of multiple interventions. It’s frankly a mess. And for the last few years, as you pull into the station by rail, to the right is a swathe of HS2 construction activity. If you walk out of the station towards Euston Square, via that unsignposted corridor past the left luggage place, through the door into the between the bicycle racks area, across Melton Street you have hoardings either side as you walk past where businesses have been acquired and demolished at the eastern end of Drummond Street – this really is HS2World.

Screenshot courtesy Google

The future

HS2 was going to be the future.  Just as those in the 60s were seduced by the clean lines, the white heat of technology, the chance to wipe away the inefficiencies of the past, we were seduced by the idea of high speed rail, with Euston as its southern terminus.

From the Department for Transport’s March 2010 High Speed Rail command paper (foreword by then prime minister Gordon Brown and then Secretary of State for Transport Andrew Adonis):

“… HS2 Ltd’s recommended route for a London-Birmingham high speed line (‘High Speed Two’), which would run from a rebuilt Euston station in London to a new Birmingham City Centre station at Curzon/Fazeley Street, is viable, subject to further work on reducing specific impacts on the local environment and communities.”

“…effective integration with London’s current and planned transport networks is crucial, and that this is best delivered through the combination of a Euston terminus and a Crossrail Interchange station sited between Paddington and Heathrow, which would also provide a link to the Great Western Main Line.”

“…the new British high speed rail network should be connected to the wider European high speed rail network via High Speed One and the Channel Tunnel, subject to cost and value for money. This could be achieved through either or both of a dedicated rapid transport system linking Euston and St Pancras and a direct rail link to High Speed One. HS2 Ltd will carry out further work to assess the viability and cost of each of these, including a full assessment of the business case, prior to any public consultation.”

From the coalition Government’s the Government’s January 2012 white paper, High Speed Rail: Investing in Britain’s Future – Decisions and Next Steps:

“The HS2 Y network (so named due to its shape) will provide direct high capacity, high speed links between London, Birmingham, Leeds and Manchester, with intermediate stations in the East Midlands and South Yorkshire.”

“The network will also provide improved links from the Midlands and the North to Heathrow Airport and the Channel Tunnel (via the existing High Speed 1 line). HS2 passengers will be able to travel directly to Heathrow and the Channel Tunnel without having to change trains.”

“Having reviewed the options again the Government’s conclusion remains that Euston is the right site for a London terminus, best serving passenger requirements and offering greater access to alternative onward travel networks than either Old Oak Common or Stratford. Any terminus other than Euston would offer a worse overall balance of costs and benefits.”

These aspirations weren’t properly tested. The Supreme Court held in R (HS2 Action Alliance) v Secretary of State for Transport (22 January 2014) that the white paper was not subject to any requirement for strategic environmental assessment as it was not a plan that “set the framework” for subsequent decision making. This is still one of the most disappointing litigation outcomes of my career and indeed the court’s consideration of Parliamentary sovereignty versus the effect of EU Directives was a forerunner of much of the subsequent debate over Brexit. I’m not sure that Parliamentary sovereignty has helped us achieve a good outcome on HS2…

I re-read yesterday the House of Commons second reading debate (28 April 2014) in relation to what was at that point the High Speed Rail (London–West Midlands) Bill (short title: “A Bill to make provision for a railway between Euston in London and a junction with the West Coast Main Line at Handsacre in Staffordshire, with a spur from Old Oak Common in the London Borough of Hammersmith and Fulham to a junction with the Channel Tunnel Rail Link at York Way in the London Borough of Islington and a spur from Water Orton in Warwickshire to Curzon Street in Birmingham; and for connected purposes.”) . Patrick McLoughlin (now Lord McLoughlin) was Secretary of State for Transport:

“…it is time to connect great cities such as Birmingham, Manchester, Sheffield and Leeds. It is time for better links between north and south and between east and west, and time to connect to world markets to make the most of their skills and talents. It is time for HS2; time for a new north-south railway line.”

With the benefit of hindsight, the two “on the money” contributions to the debate were from MPs from different sides of the political divide, now both sadly deceased, but both superb representatives of their constituents and true Parliamentarians:

Cheryl Gillan, then Conservative MP for Chesham and Amersham, focused on the implications of the choices as to route and extent of tunnelling for the Chilterns area of outstanding beauty, alternative horizontal and vertical alignments having been rejected for reasons which in my view would not have stood up to proper independent scrutiny (I’ve already mentioned the lack of strategic environment assessment at the white paper stage; the other issue was the Select Committee process for testing the detailed proposals in the Bill – see my 30 July 2016 blog post, HS2: The Very Select Committee)

Frank Dobson, then Labour MP for Holborn and St Pancras, focused on the implications for the area surrounding Euston station:

“I should point out the ridiculous situation whereby the hybrid Bill before the House proposes major works in my constituency, none of which the Government now intend to carry out. The Bill also provides for a link from HS2 to HS1. That ridiculous proposal has been abandoned altogether. The Bill provides for the option 8 design of the station at Euston. That ridiculous proposal, we are told, is shortly to be abandoned, but the design, cost and construction timetable for the alternative to it have not yet been worked out, so there’s nowt to vote on.

The neighbourhoods to the east and west of Euston station and its railway approaches are densely populated with a variety of uses. Most of the streets are overwhelmingly residential. They are home to large numbers of residents living in high densities in settled and varied communities, with a wide range of incomes, housing tenures, jobs, ethnic origins and religions. Most of those residents want to continue to live there. They rightly resent patronising references to their neighbourhood by the much lauded chair of HS2 Ltd and have asked me to remind him and everyone else that where they live is not like the Olympic site. It is not a brownfield site, ripe for redevelopment.

The HS2 project as now proposed would wreak havoc on those neighbourhoods. It would expand Euston station by 75 metres to the west, demolish the homes of 500 people and subject 5,000 more to living for a decade next to the construction site or beside roads that will be made intolerable by the heavy goods vehicles servicing the main site and the 14 satellite construction compounds. No consideration has been given to the cumulative harm that all this would do to the quality of life of my constituents. The proposed working hours regime enables work to proceed at any hour of the day or night. Every little park and play space near the site is to be taken over. Small, locally owned and locally staffed businesses, especially cafes, shops and restaurants in Drummond street, face financial disaster. Between 40% and 70% of their business is passing trade from pedestrians going to and from Euston station, which, for the duration of the works—10 years—will be cut off by a solid, 3.6 metre-high security fence.

The people I represent believe that HS2 should not go ahead. Failing that, they believe that HS2 should terminate at Old Oak Common, at least temporarily, to test its capacity and permit the assessment of any capacity needed at Euston to be based on experience rather than the guesswork used so far.”

Of course the Bill was passed in due course. There have been successive plans unveiled for Euston Station and then effectively abandoned:

Department for Transport’s press statement, HS2 plans can unlock Euston potential (8 September 2015) unveiled Grimshaws’ “pringle” design.

Updated plans were then unveiled in March 2022 of a revised concept design by a design consortium made up of Arup, WSP, Grimshaw Architects, Haptic, and LDA Design, alongside HS2’s Station Construction Partner, Mace Dragados JV.

Despite nearly all of the disruption feared by Frank Dobson already having been caused by the construction works around Euston that are now well underway, Mark Harper, current Secretary of State for Transport, released a press statement on 9 March 2023, pausing new construction work at Euston for two years:

“The Government is prioritising HS2’s initial services between Old Oak Common in London and Birmingham Curzon Street to provide delivery of passenger benefits as soon as possible. We remain committed to delivering HS2 services to Euston, and will address affordability pressures to ensure the overall spending profile is manageable. We will therefore take the time to ensure we have an affordable and deliverable station design, delivering Euston alongside high-speed infrastructure to Manchester.”

There was then Transport minister Huw Merriman’s written statement on HS2 (19 June 2023)

“We remain committed to delivering HS2 services to Euston. We have decided not to proceed with construction at Euston over the next 2 years both to reduce expenditure during that period and to address the affordability challenge set out in the recent National Audit Office report. We will use this time to develop a more affordable scheme design that delivers for passengers, the local community and taxpayers.

The government will not be proceeding to construction on Phase 2a (West Midlands to Crewe) in the next 2 years to reduce expenditure. We will use the time to develop mature designs and delivery approaches to ensure that this section is delivered in the most cost-effective way.”

“As reported in the recent National Audit Office report on Euston, the latest proposed target price from the construction partner (Mace Dragados joint venture) is £4.8 billion – around £2.2 billion over HS2 Ltd’s budget and a higher cost than the previous design.

I visited the Euston site on 5 April 2023 and saw for myself the challenges of constructing a complex station in a dense urban environment that will integrate with the existing conventional station and London Underground and local transport, as well as enabling oversite development.

Nonetheless, the station is not affordable at this cost, nor in any case, does the government have the financial headroom to proceed with the construction over the next 2 years. We will, therefore, use the time to look again at the Euston station design to ensure it delivers for passengers, the local community and taxpayers. This will include considering how we might partner with the private sector to capture benefits for customers. It will require careful prioritisation of requirements and a willingness from stakeholders to compromise.”

It’s way over budget and they don’t know how to build it. And what delay do we think “two years” will turn into? Bodes well doesn’t it?

Which takes us to yesterday’s excoriating Public Accounts Committee’s report,  HS2 Euston (7 July 2023).

 Its summary:

“Despite being eight years into planning the High Speed 2 station at Euston, the Department for Transport (the Department) still does not know what it is trying to achieve with the station and what sort of regeneration it will support. It is clear now that the £2.6 billion budget HS2 Ltd set for the project was completely unrealistic, even before the impacts of inflation are considered. The Department will now need to reset the project for a second time in order to find a design that is realistic, affordable and provides value for money.

The Department does not know what the additional costs and impacts will be from its decision to pause construction at the station for two years. Working alongside HS2 Ltd, it now has a big task to identify what these costs and impacts are, including the impact on the supply chain and on local residents. It is essential for the Department to collect this information both to help it and HS2 Ltd manage the additional costs effectively and also to better inform any decisions in the future on whether to pause major projects.

Disappointingly, HS2 Euston station is yet another example of the Department making the same mistakes and failing to learn lessons from its management of other major rail programmes. Parliament has also not had the full transparency it needed on the likelihood of cost increases at Euston, despite the improvements the Department and HS2 Ltd have made in reporting on progress.”

My 27 November 2021 blog post Integrated Rail Plan, Unplanned? covered the downgrading of proposals to the north.

In the words of Johnny Rotten, ever get the feeling you’ve been cheated? This tax paying Euston commuter does.

Simon Ricketts, 8 July 2023

Personal views, et cetera

Mission Zero Needs Planning

I think I can point to something good that came out of Liz Truss’s premiership.

On 26 September 2022 she appointed former energy minister Chris Skidmore MP to carry out an “Independent review of net zero delivery by 2050 aims to ensure delivery of legally-binding climate goals are pro-growth and pro-business” and to “scrutinise green transition to make sure investment continues to boost economic growth and create jobs as well as increase energy security”.

Some of us may have feared the worst as to what lay behind this. Was the intention to back-end progress on the net zero by 2050 target?

The final report, Mission Zero: Independent Review of Net Zero, was published on 13 January 2023. I’m no expert but it seems to me – and to many better-informed commentators (although some of course express disappointment that the recommendations could be more radical) – to be a remarkably thorough and practical piece of work – running to 340 pages of waffle-free analysis and recommendations, with (such is the modern way of these things):

  • 7 conclusions
  • 10 priority missions
  • 6 pillars
  • A “25 by 2025” set of recommendations

It only needed a golden thread and … bingo!

There is this good House of Lords library summary published on 20 January 2023 ahead of a short debate on the document that is due to take place on 26 January 2023.

Actually, if one looks more closely, there is a golden thread to the report: the need for urgent reform of the planning system so as to make the path to decarbonisation smoother and faster.

From the paragraph 12 of the executive summary:

“We have made great progress decarbonising already with success stories in offshore wind and electric vehicles and it is essential we continue these. However, too often, we heard of problems hampering business and local areas from going as far and as fast as they want to. Whether it is lack of policy clarity, capital waiting for investible propositions, infrastructure bottlenecks, or delays in the planning system, it is clear that we need action to catalyse the deployment of clean solutions, particularly if we want British companies to capture the economic benefits.”

See priority mission 7: ““unblocking the planning system and reforming the relationship between central and local government to give local authorities and communities the power they need to act on net zero”.

From pillar 4, “Net Zero and the Community”:

“There is plenty of regional, local and community will to act on net zero, but too often government gets in the way. The UK government must provide central leadership on net zero, but it must also empower people and places to deliver. Place-based action on net zero will not only lead to more local support but can deliver better economic outcomes as well.

Key recommendations

1. Government should simplify the net zero funding landscape by the next Spending Review

2. Government should fully back at least one Trailblazer Net Zero City, Local Authority and Community, with the aim for these places to reach net zero by 2030

3. Government should reform local planning and the National Planning Policy Framework now”

See recommended action 21 in the “25 by 2025” list:

“Local and regional Reform the local planning system and the National Planning Policy Framework now. Have a clearer vision on net zero with the intention to introduce a net zero test, give clarity on when local areas can exceed national standards, give guidance on LAEP, encourage greater use of spatial planning and the creation of Net Zero Neighbourhood plans, and set out a framework for community benefits.”

See also commentary like this:

“Planning system presents major barrier to net zero action. View of system on net zero is unclear and does not give sufficient weight to net zero as a national priority. Often slow and difficult to navigate, especially for individuals and communities.

Central government should reform the local planning system and the NPPF now. Have a clearer vision on net zero with the intention to introduce a net zero test, give clarity on when local areas can exceed national standards, give guidance on LAEP, encourage greater use of spatial planning and the creation of Net Zero Neighbourhood plans, and set out a framework for community benefits. Government should undertake a rapid review of the bottlenecks for net zero and energy efficiency projects in the planning system, and ensure that local planning authorities are properly resourced to deliver faster turnaround times”

“817. While the National Planning Policy Framework (NPPF) references climate change, it does not reference net zero specifically and the Review heard that the vision of the planning system on net zero is not clear. Too often there are conflicting or unclear messages, with important points relegated to footnotes.

818. The planning system should be an essential tool in delivering the changes needed for net zero. A system that appears ambivalent to net zero will not be capable of delivering the scale of change required.

819. The planning system should move towards implementing a test for all developments to be net zero compliant, ensuring enough lead-in time to prevent adverse economic consequences or stalling of current development plans. Across the economy the cost of building to net zero standards and using net zero technologies is coming down. Providing clarity and certainty on net zero requirements in the planning system could help drive further action and build supply chains, making net zero development the norm.

“Planning can be a driving force for not only net zero but for growth as well, helping to unlock opportunities across the country […] The reputation of planning in the UK would only be furthered if it were given the ability and position to be a key driving force for net zero. Our own research suggests that planning brings in millions to the UK and has the potential to have a much larger impact if the passion and expertise of our consultancies both large and small were showcased as one of our key exports” – the Royal Town Planning Institute.

820. There is also confusion over whether, where and how local authorities can exceed national standards on planning. The litigious nature of the planning system means local authorities are often unwilling to take risks, and so the system effectively puts a ceiling on local ambition.

821. For example, the Review heard from several stakeholders about the difficulty faced by West Oxfordshire District Council in their plans for the Salt Cross Garden Village.568 The Council had proposed that development at Salt Cross would be required to demonstrate net zero carbon, with submission of a validated and monitored energy strategy. However, in May 2022 the Planning Inspectorate provisionally found that such a policy was not ‘consistent with national policy or justified’ and the plan was modified as a result. This is a clear example of the planning system being unclear in its support for net zero.

“Local authorities are wary of the threat of legal challenge, this means to make confident use of their powers, they have to undertake rigorous legal checks, which slows delivery, adds expense and makes some of them risk averse” – Climate Change Committee (CCC).

822. Similarly, some local authorities felt that planning requirements on viability presented a hindrance to net zero development. These local authorities felt that some developers use viability requirements to reject proposed net zero improvements. These local authorities suggested that such viability considerations should be reformed or scrapped, and that net zero should be a fundamental consideration when determining the viability of a project. Current guidance states that viability assessments “should not compromise sustainable development.” This language should be strengthened to ensure that viability assessments actively encourage sustainable and net zero developments, and that assessments take a longer-term approach to determining what is viable.

823. Reforms to the planning system should therefore make it clear when local authorities can exceed standards and provide guidance on how local areas could go further should they wish to.”

(and there is more, through to paragraph 836 in the document, but you get the picture).

So how joined-up is this with current proposals to reform the planning system?

Of course, changes are proposed to the climate change section of the NPPF (part of chapter 14), although they are relatively limited.

Changes are proposed to speed-up NSIPs.

There are the proposals identified in chapter 7 of the  Government’s consultation paper on proposed reforms to the planning system.

In summing up on behalf of the Government at the end of the House of Lords second reading debate on the Levelling-up and Regeneration Bill on 17 January 2023 Baroness Scott said this on climate change:

“The Government recognise the challenge of climate change. It is critical that the planning system must address this effectively. Through the Climate Change Act 2008 the Government have committed to reduce emissions by at least 100% of 1990 levels by 2050 and to produce national adaptation programmes every five years that respond to economy-wide climate change risk assessments. The Bill sets out that local plans “must be designed to secure that the development and use of land in”— the local planning authority area — “contribute to the mitigation of, and adaptation to, climate change.”

Our new outcomes-based approach to environmental assessment will ensure that the ambitions of the Environment Act and the 25-year environment plan are reflected in the planning process, placing the Government’s environmental commitments at the centre of decision-making.

The National Planning Policy Framework is already clear that plans should take a proactive approach to mitigating and adapting to climate change, taking into account the long-term implications for flood risk, coastal change, water supply, biodiversity and landscapes, and the risk of overheating from rising temperatures, in line with the objectives and provisions of the Climate Change Act 2008. The National Planning Policy Framework must be taken into account in preparing the development plan and is a material consideration in planning decisions. This includes the framework’s current policies related to climate change mitigation and adaptation. Furthermore, as committed to in the net-zero strategy, we will carry out a full review of the National Planning Policy Framework to ensure it contributes to climate change mitigation and adaptation as fully as possible. This will be consulted on as part of wider changes to the National Planning Policy Framework to support the ambitions in the Levelling-up and Regeneration Bill.”

Does this go far enough? Chris Skidmore’s report is a useful reminder of the importance of a properly functioning, resourced and managed planning system and I hope he has a hand in shaping the current reforms.

Simon Ricketts, 21 January 2023

Personal views, et cetera

What Does The Growth Plan Mean For Development And Infrastructure?

HM Treasury published its Growth Plan 2022 on 23 September 2022. There is so much to take in, this initial blog post simply sets out all of the key passages. A panel including Samuel Stafford, Shelly Rouse, Nicola Gooch, Iain Thomson and myself will be discussing all of this in detail on clubhouse at 6pm on Tuesday 27 September 2022 and we would love to hear your views too. Join the session here (and nowadays if you RSVP within the app you can diarise it, get notified when the session starts etc).

All I would say at this point is that:

  •  I’m not sure whether it’s right to assume that this means the end of the road for the Levelling-up and Regeneration Bill in its entirety? Along the way there is reference to a proposed Planning and Infrastructure Bill but there is no detail yet as to its contents and whether of the LURB will be retained or recycled.
  • There are some eye catching proposals here and the direction of travel is clear, although in most instances of course what we need is a further layer of detail.

From the executive summary

“The Growth Plan 2022 makes growth the government’s central economic mission, setting a target of reaching a 2.5% trend rate.”

“To drive higher growth, the government will help expand the supply side of the economy. The Growth Plan sets out action to unlock private investment across the whole of the UK, cut red tape to make it quicker to deliver the UK’s critical infrastructure, make work pay, and support people to get onto the property ladder. New Investment Zones will provide time-limited tax reliefs, and planning liberalisation to support employment, investment, and home ownership.”

Chapter 2, “tackling energy prices”

“To increase energy resilience, the North Sea Transition Authority will shortly launch a new oil and gas licensing round. This is expected to deliver over 100 new licenses. The government has also announced an end to the pause on extracting reserves of shale. The government is driving the development of home-grown nuclear – including Small Modular Reactors – hydrogen, Carbon Capture, Utilisation and Storage and renewable technologies. The government will unlock the potential of onshore wind by bringing consenting in line with other infrastructure. The UK is a world-leader in offshore wind, with 8GW of offshore wind currently under construction. By 2023 the government is set to increase renewables capacity by 15%, supporting the UK’s commitment to reach net zero emissions by 2050.”

Chapter 3, “growth”

“…the government must cut taxes, streamline the public sector, and liberate the private sector, by making Britain the place for:

• investment: creating the right conditions and removing barriers to the flow of private capital – whether taxes or regulation

• skilled employment: helping the unemployed into work and those in jobs secure better paid work

• infrastructure: accelerating the construction of vital infrastructure projects by liberalising the planning system and streamlining consultation and approval requirements

• home ownership: getting the housing market moving

• enterprise: cutting red tape and freeing business to grow and invest.”

Investment zones

“The government will work with the devolved administrations and local partners to introduce Investment Zones across the UK. Investment Zones aim to drive growth and unlock housing. Areas with Investment Zones will benefit from tax incentives, planning liberalisation, and wider support for the local economy. The specific interventions in Investment Zones will include:

• Lower taxes – businesses in designated sites will benefit from time-limited tax incentives.

• Accelerated development – there will be designated development sites to deliver growth and housing. Where planning applications are already in flight, they will be streamlined and we will work with sites to understand what specific measures are needed to unlock growth, including disapplying legacy EU red tape where appropriate. Development sites may be co-located with, or separate to, tax sites, depending on what makes most sense for the local economy.

• Wider support for local growth – for example, through greater control over local growth funding for areas with appropriate governance. Subject to demonstrating readiness, Mayoral Combined Authorities hosting Investment Zones will receive a single local growth settlement in the next Spending Review period.

Specified sites in England will benefit from a range of time-limited tax incentives over 10 years. The tax incentives under consideration are:

• Business rates – 100% relief from business rates on newly occupied business premises, and certain existing businesses where they expand in English Investment Zone tax sites. Councils hosting Investment Zones will receive 100% of the business rates growth in designated sites above an agreed baseline for 25 years.

• Enhanced Capital Allowance – 100% first year allowance for companies’ qualifying expenditure on plant and machinery assets for use in tax sites.

• Enhanced Structures and Buildings Allowance – accelerated relief to allow businesses to reduce their taxable profits by 20% of the cost of qualifying non-residential investment per year, relieving 100% of their cost of investment over five years.

• Employer National Insurance contributions relief – zero-rate Employer NICs on salaries of any new employee working in the tax site for at least 60% of their time, on earnings up to £50,270 per year, with Employer NICs being charged at the usual rate above this level.

• Stamp Duty Land Tax – a full SDLT relief for land and buildings bought for use or development for commercial purposes, and for purchases of land or buildings for new residential development.

The Department for Levelling Up, Housing and Communities will shortly set out more detail on the planning offer. This will include detail on the level of deregulation and the streamlined mechanism for securing planning permission.

The government will deliver Investment Zones in partnership with Upper Tier Local Authorities and Mayoral Combined Authorities in England, who will work in partnership with their relevant districts and/ or constituent councils. All Investment Zone agreements will contain tax and development sites. Areas will be responsible for putting forward sites and demonstrating their potential impact on economic growth, including by bringing more land forward and accelerating development.

Investment Zones will only be chosen following a rapid Expression of Interest process open to everyone, and after local consent is confirmed. However, examples of illustrative sites that may have the potential to accelerate growth and deliver housing in the way the Investment Zone programme envisages can be found in Annex A.

The government is in early discussions with 38 Mayoral Combined Authorities and Upper Tier Local Authorities who have already expressed an initial interest in having a clearly designated, specific site within their locality. A full list of these 38 authorities is available in Annex A.

The government will deliver Investment Zones in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland and intends to work in partnership with the devolved administrations and local partners to achieve this. The government will legislate for powers to create tax and development sites in Investment Zones where powers are reserved.

The government remains committed to the progress of the Freeports programme. The government will work with local partners involved in current and prospective Freeports to consider whether and how the Investment Zones offer can help to support their objectives, as part of the wider process for identifying Investment Zones. This will ensure that both programmes complement one another.”

Annex A lists 24 examples of “illustrative sites that may have the potential to accelerate growth and deliver housing in the way the Investment Zone programme envisages” and 38 authorities with which the government is in early discussions with a view to establishing an investment zone in their area.

There is also this investment zones factsheet.

[Added 24 September 2022] Additional information on investment zones in England has also been published by the Levelling Up Department and HM Treasury: https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/investment-zones-in-england/investment-zones-in-england (24 September 2022). See e.g.

“The government envisages that Investment Zones will be one or more specific sites within an MCA or UTLA where a variety of tax, regulatory innovations and flexibilities, and planning simplifications will apply within those site’s boundaries.

As MCAs and UTLAs consider coming forward to express interest in pursuing Investment Zones with the government, they should consider which sites will best drive a substantial contribution to the UK’s economic growth and a significant acceleration of delivery of additional housing. There is a strong expectation that Investment Zones will bring forward additional development, and that they bring forward a mix of both commercial and residential development. Both of these will be considered in the EOI assessment process.

Sites may be aligned with existing local growth strategies and transport plans. Sites that already have a masterplan, development order or outline permission could be considered by MCAs and UTLAs as a potential Investment Zone, as could sites where planning consents are not yet in place. Development sites where planning simplifications apply may be co-located with, or separate to, tax sites, depending on what makes most sense for the local economy.”

Housing

“To make buying a home a reality, the government must accelerate housing delivery. Planning permission was granted for more than 310,000 homes last year, up 10% on the year before,10 but further reform is needed. Later this autumn, the government will set out its vision to unlock homeownership for a new generation by building more homes in the places people want to live and work and by getting our housing market moving. This will boost growth across the UK helping more people afford to live near good jobs. The government’s full proposal will be set out in due course.

The government will promote the disposal of surplus public sector land by allowing departments greater flexibility to reinvest the proceeds of land sales over multiple years. This will encourage the sale of more public land for housing and allow departments and the NHS to reinvest in public services. Devolved administrations have bespoke flexibilities to move funding between financial years and the government will discuss the implications of this change with them in due course.”

Planning

“The UK’s planning system is too slow and too fragmented. For example, an offshore wind farm can take four years to get through the planning process and no new substantive onshore wind farm has received planning consent since 2015.”

“The Growth Plan announces that new legislation [the Planning and Infrastructure Bill] will be brought forward in the coming months to address […] barriers by reducing unnecessary burdens to speed up the delivery of much-needed infrastructure. This includes:

• reducing the burden of environmental assessments

• reducing bureaucracy in the consultation process

• reforming habitats and species regulations

• increasing flexibility to make changes to a DCO once it has been submitted.”

Infrastructure

“The Growth Plan also announces further sector specific changes to accelerate delivery of infrastructure, including:

• prioritising the delivery of National Policy Statements for energy, water resources and national networks, and of a cross-government action plan for reform of the Nationally Significant Infrastructure planning system

• bringing onshore wind planning policy in line with other infrastructure to allow it to be deployed more easily in England

• reforms to accelerate roads delivery, including by consenting more through the Highways Act 1980 and by considering options for changing the Judicial Review system to avoid claims which cause unnecessary delays to delivery

• amendments to the Product Security and Telecommunications Infrastructure Bill to give telecoms operators easier access to telegraph poles on private land, supporting the delivery of gigabit capable broadband.”

“The Growth Plan also sets out the infrastructure projects that the government will prioritise for acceleration, across transport, energy and digital infrastructure. This non-exhaustive list is set out in Annex B and reflects projects which have particularly high potential to move to construction at an accelerated pace. The government will also continue to focus on delivering its wider infrastructure priorities, from major projects such as HS2, to its wider nuclear strategy.”

The agenda is set…

Simon Ricketts, 23 September 2022

Personal views, et cetera

When Britain Built Something Big

“When Britain built something big” is the sub-title to Dave Hill’s book Olympic Park, which tells the story of how an Olympic park was created in London’s Lower Lea Valley in time for London 2012. It is a detailed factual account, not just of the politics, planning, infrastructure engineering and deal-making that led up to that event, but of its implications in terms of urban regeneration and legacy. 

I’m interviewing Dave about the book and its themes at 6 pm on Tuesday 30 August 2022 on the audio social-media app Clubhouse, and you’re welcome to listen in here and indeed we’d love to here your own accounts. 

A number of things are striking to me, looking back.

The first is that huge things can be achieved if individuals and institutions collectively grasp a vision and secure the necessary buy-in. At a time when this country had perhaps lost its self-belief in being able to deliver a project successfully and on time, here we were setting ourselves up to fail – but we didn’t. By luck there was a new system of London regional government in place to facilitate London’s bid for the games (Ken Livingstone as mayor, not a sports fan at all but persuaded as to the regeneration potential of a London Games) with the full support (not easily secured by the indefatigable Tessa Jowell) of the Blair government, and with the individual host boroughs, with capable leaders, willing to come together as a Joint Planning Applications Team to determine massively complex planning applications within tight timescales. 

The second is that there are inevitable trade-offs if a project such as the transformation of this huge area of east London was to be achieved by what was an immovable deadline. When London secured the Games, the London Olympic Games and Paralympic Games Act 2006  gave significant powers to unelected bodies, which has continued with the creation of the London Legacy Development Corporation in 2012. Many people’s homes and businesses were the subject of a compulsory purchase order, which was confirmed after a 41 day inquiry and which survived at least three legal challenges in the High Court. Should we have done it? Or should we have let community politics take their course?

The third is that whilst it is important to have the necessary statutory processes and a strategy, so much comes down to problem-solving, creativity and negotiation. Whilst the right calls may have been made in the negotiations necessary with the Stratford City development partners (at times a fragile partnership due to the takeover of Chelsfield during the process), was money wasted in deciding to proceed with a stadium design that did not easily allow for West Ham’s subsequent use – and just how good was West Ham’s eventual deal?

The fourth is that engineering constraints and their lead-in periods can cause headaches – for example the huge commercial, logistical and regulatory challenge of undergrounding electricity lines and removing pylons – achievements which we then utterly take for granted. 

The fifth is the need for cross-party consensus – long-term projects can’t be the punchbag of short-term party politics.  So there was the unholy alliance between Livingstone, expelled from the Labour party, and the New Labour government, both then replaced before the Games themselves by Johnson and the Conservative/Lib Dem coalition and now the approach to various legacy aspects being the domain of Sadiq Khan. 

The sixth is that surely we need to learn from what went well and what perhaps didn’t, and to apply it to the immediate challenges around us: climate change, including renewables and making existing buildings more energy-efficient; and indeed the challenge of delivering a new generation of affordable homes. What more broadly should we learn about how our planning system needs to adapt?

There is so much more to talk about. Do join us, or read the book, or both.

Then do join us again a couple of weeks later for another book club special! At 6 pm on Monday 12 September 2022, we have barrister and broadcaster Hashi Mohamed, to talk about his book, A home of one’s own – his very personal take on the housing crisis, its causes and some possible solutions. Invitation here.

You can RSVP for the events on the clubhouse app via the links so as to be reminded when the event is starting, or just log in when the time comes 

Simon Ricketts, 27 August 2022

Personal views, et cetera

Summer Of LURB

What progress has there been on the Levelling-up and Regeneration Bill since it was introduced into the House of Commons on 11 May 2022 (see my 14 May 2022 blog post Does LURB Herald A More Zonal Approach to Planning After All?)?

The Second Reading debate was held on 8 June 2022 and I have just been reading the Hansard transcript– it wasn’t particularly edifying and I should just have relied on Nicola Gooch’s excellent summary in her 9 June 2022 blog post Tainted LURB: What can we learn from the Levelling Up & Regeneration Bill’s Second Reading?

I was left feeling that the nuances of how our wretchedly complicated, but still, at some level, functional system are lost in the political chatter. Of course, these sessions aren’t “debates” as such but in large measure a long succession of disjointed interventions and special pleading. Has anyone yet coined the term NIMC? There was certainly a lot of “not in my constituency” and very little discernible appreciation of the utter reliance of this country on private sector risk-taking and funding for most new homes (regardless of tenure) and employment-generating development. How can the development of 300,000 homes a year (confirmed by Michael Gove in Select Committee on 13 June 2022 still to be the target) be remotely possible in this political and fiscal climate? So many MPs assert the case for a lower target for their particular constituency: we know what underlies the clamour against centralisation of power (a theme we’ll come back to shortly). Development is held again and again to be the culprit for failing public services, lack of infrastructure, waiting lists at GPs’ surgeries and so on – ahem, it’s new development that ends up paying for much of this – existing residents should look rather at the ways in which the Government chooses to manage and fund  the provision of health care and other services.  And if the complaint is not that new residents are overwhelming local services (not true) it’s that developers are securing permissions and then choosing not to building them out (not true, although there are certainly unnecessary delays largely caused by the clunkiness of the planning system itself: you want to amend your development proposals to reflect the inevitable market changes or regulatory requirements since you first applied for planning permission years ago? Well that’s not going to be a simple process at all my friend). (Beauty as a way to securing greater acceptance of development? Despite the Government having alighted upon that particular agenda, driving the proposals around local design codes for instance, that issue seemed to receive little airtime).

Rant over. 

The Bill entered Committee stage on 21 June 2022. The Public Bill Committee first heard evidence from various witnesses and then started line by line consideration of the Bill on 28 June 2022. They have not yet reached the planning provisions but the transcript of the discussion so far is here.

The Levelling-up, Housing and Communities Select Committee, chaired by Clive Betts MP, is holding a mini inquiry into the Bill. Michael Gove MP, Stuart Andrew MP and Simon Gallagher all gave evidence on 13 June 2022, which was slightly more illuminating. For instance, an exchange in relation to design codes from the session:

“Chair: Are we going to have the same level of consultation on the supplementary plans and design codes [as on the local plan]?

Simon Gallagher: Yes. One of the objectives of design codes is that they are locally popular, which is going to require a degree of engagement. Supplementary plans are created as one of the vehicles by which there would be opportunity for proper engagement, or legal force design codes. One of the problems with design codes at the moment is that they are often produced as supplementary planning guidance, which has no legal force.

One thing we have done in the Bill, subject to Parliament’s views, is to create something that is a legal device, a supplementary plan, which must be consulted on. Design codes must be provably popular and we are using the Office for Place to champion the best means of that community engagement.”

One of the themes that has dominated discussion of the Bill has been a concern that it could lead to a centralising of power, for instance by way of the requirement that decisions should be made in accordance with national development management policies (as well as local plans), unless material considerations “strongly” indicate otherwise – thereby putting this potentially amorphous concept of national development management policies (the extent of which is for the Government to determine and which can be added to or amended by the Government with as little prior consultation as it chooses) on the same level as statutory local plans. 

Landmark Chambers barristers Paul Brown QC and Alex Shattock have created some waves with their 30 May 2022 briefing note on the provisions in the Levelling Up and Regeneration Bill concerning public participation in the planning system for the campaign group Rights Community Action:

“a) The Bill represents a significant change to the existing planning system. It undermines an important planning principle, the primacy of the development plan, by elevating national development management policies to the top of the planning hierarchy.

b) Unlike development plans, which are produced locally via a statutory process that involves considerable public participation, the Bill contains no obligation to allow the public to participate in the development of national development management policies.

c) The Bill also introduces two new development plan documents, spatial development strategies and supplementary plans. The Bill provides for very limited opportunities for public participation in the production of these documents.

d) The Bill introduces a new mechanism to allow the Secretary of State to grant planning permission for controversial developments, bypassing the planning system entirely. There is no right for the public to be consulted as part of this process.

e) Overall, in our view the Bill radically centralises planning decision-making and substantially erodes public participation in the planning system.”

Clive Betts pursued this theme with the witnesses on 13 June 2022:

“Chair: I am told that this is new in the way it is written into legislation. We have had very interesting legal advice from Paul Brown QC and Alex Shattock from Landmark Chambers, and it might be helpful if the Committee wrote to you with some of the questions that they have raised, which are pretty serious accusations of a centralisation that these measures are bringing about.

Michael Gove: Of course, I would be more than happy to explain the position and, indeed, any distance that these proposals place between themselves and the existing practice. I do not believe that they do significantly, but I am very happy to engage with the advice that the Committee has sought, and with others as well.

Simon Gallagher: Just to add to that, the Secretary of State referred a few minutes ago to the national planning policy framework prospectus that we were going to publish in July. We intend to set out in that how we can use these powers most effectively. That will give us the basis for proper engagement. I accept that, on the face of the Bill, it is a bit hard to read our intentions, so we need a little bit more detail and explanation out there, which will help.”

There was a further session on 20 June 2022, with evidence given by Victoria Hills RTPI), Hugh Ellis ((TCPA)and Chris Young QC. 

Clive Betts’ has subsequently written to Michael Gove asking for his response by 4 July 2022 to a number of points in the “opinion” by Paul Brown QC and Alex Shattock (NB for what it’s worth, it’s not an opinion – barristers are careful in their use of language, it’s just a briefing note). 

This month we can also expect to see the Government’s prospectus as to its intended approach to revising the NPPF as well as how it intends to draw up its national development management policies. 

We are going to be running our own discussion on Clubhouse on the “who will have the power?” question, at 6 pm on 19 July. More details soon but do join here. Indeed, if you would like to speak do let me know – we would like a diverse range of voices and views. 

I will also be speaking at the National Planning Forum event “The good, the bad and the beautiful – the Levelling Up and Regeneration Bill – a planning panacea?” on 5 July and hope to explore the issues a little further alongside an excellent panel of fellow speakers.

Simon Ricketts, 2 July 2022

Personal views, et cetera

Pic courtesy AARP

IL Defined

Except that you can’t really define the Infrastructure Levy yet. This blog post summarises what we know so far and asks some open questions.

Town Legal’s summary of the Bill and related announcements contains this section on the Infrastructure Levy, for which thanks go to Clare Fielding:

“8. Part 4 – Infrastructure Levy

8.1 Part 4 of the Bill introduces a charge to be known as the “Infrastructure Levy” in England. In addition the Secretary of State is given the power to designate the HCA a charging authority for the purposes of the Infrastructure Levy.

8.2 The Community Infrastructure Levy (CIL) is abolished in England, other than Mayoral CIL which continues to exist in Greater London.

8.3 CIL continues to apply in Wales.

8.4 Schedule 11 of the Bill inserts new sections 204A to section 204Z1 into the Planning Act 2008 (“PA 2008”) giving the Secretary of State the power to make regulations (IL regulations) providing for the imposition in England of the Infrastructure levy. The regulation-making power creates the framework for an IL regime that looks is strikingly similar to CIL in some respects, but with some significant differences. Key features:

(a) Like CIL, LPA to be IL charging authority and IL regulations can so designate other councils and bodies as well;

(b) Like CIL, a person will be able to assume IL liability before development commences, and becomes liable when development commences;

(c) Like CIL, the IL regulations must make provision for liability when no-one has assumed liability;

(d) Like CIL, the IL regulations may make provision about matters such as partial liability, apportionment of liability, transfer of liability and exceptions from and reductions in liability;

(e) Like CIL, IL to be calculated when development “first permits development”, and IL becomes due on commencement [but Regulations may provide for it to be paid on account or in instalments];

(f) Like CIL, “development” is a defined term and IL regulations must define planning permission, define the time at which the planning permission is regarded as first permitting development;

(g) Like CIL, IR regulations must make a charitable exemption where the building is wholly or mainly used for charitable purposes, and may provide for charitable exemption in other circumstances;

(h) A charging authority must issue a charging schedule and in setting rates must have regard to the level of affordable housing funding from developers over a given period, the economic viability of development, the potential economic effects of including land value increase of certain matters, the amount of IL received from developments over a given period and the charging authority’s infrastructure delivery strategy;

(i) Unlike CIL, the IL regulations may allow for a much wider variety of approaches to rate-setting: differential rates for different uses or zones areas; nil or reduced rates; rates calculated not just by floorspace but by numbers of units, buildings, or by allocation of space within units or buildings, or in any other way;

(j) Unlike CIL, IL is to be charged as a proportion of property value (this has not yet been fully fleshed out);

(k) Like CIL, charging schedules must be subject to public examination procedures;

(l) IL to be applied in the same way as CIL, to fund the provision (etc) of infrastructure to support the development of the charging authority’s area. “Infrastructure” includes affordable housing (as the PA 2008 did before that reference was removed by the CIL Regulations), and the regulation-making power still includes power to amend the definition of infrastructure for IL purposes;

(m) Unlike CIL, there is an interesting “relationship with other powers” paragraph (para 204Z1), under which the IL regulations may include provision about how the following powers are to be used or are not to be used:

(i) Part 11 of the PA 2008 on CIL;

(ii) section 70 TCPA 1990 (planning permission);

(iii) section 106 TCPA 1990 (planning obligations); and

(iv) section 278 Highways Act 1980 (execution of works).

8.5 The Policy Paper explains further that it is the Government’s intention indeed to reduce the scale of s106 planning obligations so that s106 agreements will be used:

(1) on the largest sites in place of IL (provided that the value of the infrastructure being provided in that way is not less than that which would be achieved under IL); and

(2) on other sites where “narrowly focused” s106s will be used to provide onsite infrastructure.

8.6 The Policy paper also makes reference to removing the role of negotiations in delivering affordable housing, suggesting that the Government’s intention is that AH will be delivered through the IL.”

As set out in the policy paper, when providing for the detailed regime by way of Regulations, the Government will:

• Introduce a new ‘right to require’ to remove the role of negotiation in determining levels of onsite affordable housing. This rebalances the inequality between developers and local authorities by allowing local authorities to determine the portion of the levy they receive in-kind as onsite affordable homes.

• Consider how the Levy should be applied to registered provider-led schemes.

• Require developers to deliver infrastructure integral to the operation and physical design of a site – such as an internal play area or flood risk mitigation. Planning conditions and narrowly targeted section 106 agreements will be used to make sure this type of infrastructure is delivered.

• Detail the retained role for section 106 agreements to support delivery of the largest sites. In these instances, infrastructure will be able to be provided in-kind and negotiated, but with the guarantee that the value of what is agreed will be no less than will be paid through the Levy.

• Retain the neighbourhood share and administrative portion as currently occurs under the Community Infrastructure Levy.

• Introduce the Levy through a ‘test and learn’ approach. This means it will be rolled out nationally over several years, allowing for careful monitoring and evaluation, in order to design the most effective system possible.

By way of IL the Government is attempting to extend the Community Infrastructure Levy, massively, in three directions:

(a) to make local planning authorities responsible for the delivery of affordable housing, using funds raised by the levy – meaning that the monies raised from development will be at many multiples of current CIL rates.

(b) to charge the levy on the basis of gross development value rather than floorspace.

(c) to make introduction of the levy compulsory.

I have now read the relevant parts of the Bill (sections 113 to 115 and Schedule 11), explanatory notes and policy paper many times and I must confess that there is much that I still don’t understand or which is still a blur pending further detailed work.

This is how the levy was sold to us in the Planning For The Future White Paper (August 2020):

“The process for negotiating developer contributions to affordable housing and infrastructure is complex, protracted and unclear: as a result, the outcomes can be uncertain, which further diminishes trust in the system and reduces the ability of local planning authorities to plan for and deliver necessary infrastructure.”

“Securing necessary infrastructure and affordable housing alongside new development is central to our vision for the planning system. We want to bring forward reforms to make sure that developer contributions are:

• responsive to local needs, to ensure a fairer contribution from developers for local communities so that the right infrastructure and affordable housing is delivered;

• transparent, so it is clear to existing and new residents what new infrastructure will accompany development;

• consistent and simplified, to remove unnecessary delay and support competition in the housebuilding industry;

• buoyant, so that when prices go up the benefits are shared fairly between developers and the local community, and when prices go down there is no need to re-negotiate agreements.” (paragraph 4.5)

Now that we see what is emerging, I do not believe that anyone is suggesting that IL will be simpler than CIL. Undeniably it will be more complex (and indeed in London we will need to grapple both with CIL and IL – the work is doubled).

But I am concerned that it will be less predictable as well. Why does predictability matter? The main inflexion points in a typical development are as follows:

1. the contract to acquire the property, pricing-in likely development costs, including CIL/IL

2. scheme formulation so as to arrive at a proposed quantum and mix of development which is likely to be financially viable whilst working within likely planning constraints

3. negotiation of section 106 agreement and conditions such that permission can be issued

4. securing development funding and potential pre-lets and land parcel sales

5. letting the construction contract

6. sale of completed development, whether individual plot/flat sales or investment disposal.

If a reliable estimate of IL liability is not available for stages 1 to 3 and a concluded figure, which can relied upon as a final outcome, is not available for stages 4 to 6, development becomes much more difficult. How do you price, allocate risk and enable each party to the development to decide whether they are prepared to press the button?

The current proposals seem very blurred so far as to how and when gross development value, and therefore the amount of IL payable having regard to any relevant local thresholds, will be determined.

In terms of “how”, will it be for each developer to submit its valuer’s estimate of GDV for the completed development (or relevant completed phase), presumably prior to commencement of development? Or will there be some independent assessment? Or will there be any standardised values (for instance for development below a defined scale or value)? It is difficult enough with CIL where the moving parts are floorspace levels for each use plus the application of reliefs and exemptions. To these moving parts will now be added the inherent subjectivity that comes with valuation (accentuated where you have a type of development without readily available comparables, or subject to unusual restrictions or constraints?) and then the application of so far undefined thresholds – building costs for the area have been mentioned, but what about, for instance, existing pre-development land values (and will these be sufficiently site-specific)? The number at stake will also be much larger than is currently the case with CIL. Each process is going to be strongly argued over as the outcome will directly impact the financial bottom line of the developer and, ultimately, project viability.

In terms of “when”, will we be able to go “nap” on a figure at commencement of development or is the figure to be revisited on development completion or sale? Will any procedures for review or appeal carry on after development has commenced or will commencement of development be the cut-off?

If the authority subsequently requires affordable housing to be provided in the scheme by way of the “right to require”, how does this get taken into account in the calculation of GDV?

At what stage will a developer have certainty that a scheme is regarded as sufficiently large or strategic for IL not to apply? Can he opt in or out? Will there be local thresholds (which would inevitably influence scheme size, depending whether IL was regarded as a more or less advantageous mechanism than simply relying on section 106)?

It seems that “in kind” section 106 or other types of agreements will be required but the actual quantum of IL attributable to the development will not be known for certain at the stage the section 106 agreement is completed.

Will an authority’s targeted quantum of affordable housing, both borough/district wide and for particular areas or sites, be set out in its local plan, or infrastructure delivery statement? And will developers in future be bringing forward development proposals without reference to any anticipated affordable housing element? The local messaging is going to be complicated.

How rigorously will IL charging schedules be examined? The underlying valuation work and the thresholds to be applied will be critical.

How can we make sure that IL proceeds are used in the right way and that more affordable housing is indeed delivered, as well as the infrastructure needed to enable particular development proposals to come forward without delay?

Will the system be robust and workable in appeal situations where the developer and authority may not necessarily see eye to eye?

It is going to be fascinating to work through these sorts of issues as the proposals take shape. At this stage, what protections do we want to see in the Bill itself to safeguard against the detailed regime subsequently not living up to the Government’s promises? The Government’s commitment to a “test and learn” approach to the introduction of IL is welcome but of course risks adding to complexity by creating a patchwork of different processes dependent on geography and/or when schemes come forward – and accepts that there are inevitably going to be mistakes and unanticipated outcomes along the way.

I wasn’t particularly planning to run a clubhouse session this Tuesday but if anyone would like to join a discussion on these sorts of issues, let’s re-think that. Let me know!

Finally, another plug for the Town Legal/Landmark Chambers webinar at 5 pm on Monday 6 June back on the theme of housing: “Will the Bill deliver more or less housing? Yes or no?” Simon Gallagher (Department of Levelling Up, Housing and Communities) will join Zack Simons (Landmark Chambers), Kathryn Ventham (Barton Willmore now Stantec) and myself in a session chaired by Town Legal’s Meeta Kaur. Join us here.

Simon Ricketts, 28 May 2022

Personal views, et cetera

Details from image by Megan Bucknall courtesy of Unsplash

Integrated Rail Plan, Unplanned?

Wouldn’t it be good if Government plans were proper plans, subject to detailed assessment of their environmental effects, including formal assessment of reasonable alternatives and with the requirement for further assessment of material changes? But we lost that argument a long time ago, in R (HS2 Action Alliance) v Secretary of State for Transport (Supreme Court, 22 January 2014). The Supreme Court held that the Government’s January 2012 white paper “High Speed Rail: Investing in Britain’s Future – Decisions and Next Steps” was not subject to any requirement for strategic environmental assessment as it was not a plan that “set the framework” for subsequent decision making.

As per the judgment press summary:

“DNS is an elaborate description of the HS2 project, including the thinking behind it and the government’s reasons for rejecting alternatives. However, it does not constrain the decision-making process of the authority responsible, which is Parliament. Formally, and in reality, Parliament is autonomous, and not bound by any “criteria” contained in previous Government statements.”

So we were to take it all with a pinch of salt, including images such as this, showing the proposed “Y” route, to Manchester (and ultimately Glasgow) and Leeds (and ultimately Edinburgh via Newcastle):

Department for Transport, January 2012

Bear all this in mind when you read the Department for Transport’s Integrated Rail Plan for the North and Midlands published on on 18 November 2021. The plan “confirms” £54bn of spending on rail and local transport in the Midlands and North in addition to the £42bn already included for HS2 Phases 1 and 2a between London, the West Midlands and Crewe and has these images showing the journey time savings proposed:

What an opportunity to make good promises as to Levelling Up and Building Back Better.

The accompanying press statement summarises the proposals as follows:

“It is a £96 billion plan that outlines how major rail projects, including HS2 Phase 2b, Northern Powerhouse Rail and Midlands Rail Hub, will be delivered sooner than previous plans so that communities, towns and cities across the North and Midlands are better connected with more frequent, reliable and greener services and faster journey times.

The plan confirms that the government will:

• build 3 new high-speed lines including:

• HS2 from Crewe to Manchester

• HS2 from the West Midlands to East Midlands Parkway, enabling HS2 trains to join existing lines to serve Nottingham and Derby city centres (unlike original plans)

• a new high-speed line between Warrington, Manchester and Yorkshire, as part of Northern Powerhouse Rail

• electrify and/or upgrade 3 existing main lines including:

• the Transpennine Main Line between Manchester, Leeds and York

• the Midland Main Line between London St Pancras, the East Midlands, and Sheffield

• upgrading and improving line speeds on the East Coast Main Line

The plan also confirms that the government will progress options to complete the Midlands Rail Hub and spend £100 million to look at how best to take HS2 trains to Leeds, including assessing capacity at Leeds station and starting work on the West Yorkshire mass transit system.”

Piecing together the implications one sees that the previous commitment to build HS2 to Leeds in accordance with that 2012 plan has now become simply an extension to East Midlands parkway with HS2 trains then able to go on existing lines to Nottingham and Derby. The long anticipated “Y” becomes a “\”. As recently as 28 May 2021, New Civil Engineer had reported the Transport Secretary saying exactly the opposite: DfT commits to HS2 eastern leg after months of uncertainty.

There is much else to unpack. Those maps stress journey time reductions (which is of course not the only factor at all in securing an improved rail network) but so much is down to the detail: routes, specifications, delivery timescales and of course (HS2 to Leeds being a perfect example) the risk of elements subsequently simply being lopped off. Any supporting assessment work is simply unavailable (see my opening comments).

Let’s go back to New Civil Engineer: The integrated rail plan is a half-baked plan which fails rail passengers (New Civil Engineer, 22 November 2021 – a piece incidentally which accepts the logic of the decision not to extend HS2 to Leeds).

Then let’s turn to the knowledgable Jonathan Stott at Gateley Hamer: Integrated Rail Plan: Midlands wins by country mile and North West in 2nd as Yorkshire handed mass-transit consolation (22 November 2021).

As Jonathan identifies, Yorkshire is potentially the biggest loser, with also a retreat from the proposals for Northern Powerhouse Rail, a new-build high speed line between Leeds and Manchester. The regional press had a field day:

West Yorkshire Mayor Tracy Brabin has written to Grant Shapps setting out the various failings of the proposals, saying that she and other West Yorkshire leaders “are angry and frustrated by the promises that have been seemingly broken. Our communities feel betrayed”. (26 November 2021).

Transport for the North: Integrated Rail Plan branded ‘woefully inadequate’ (18 November 2021)

The reconsideration (not yet a final scrapping) of HS2 between the East Midlands and Leeds brings little relief incidentally to those whose homes and businesses have long been blighted – safeguarding of the route will remain whilst further analysis is done.

⁃ How HS2 U-turn has sent £115 million down the drain after it was spent buying houses on abandoned route – and we can’t even sell them off yet (Mail Online, 19 November 2021)

⁃ HS2: Housing estate in limbo after eastern leg axed (BBC, 18 November 2021)

Manchester of course still gets HS2, but with proposals for a terminus station there, with an above ground, rather than tunnelled, route – long a cause for concern on the part of Andy Burnham: Government planning ‘to put HS2 on stilts through Manchester’ (Guardian, 19 November 2021). Fat chance incidentally of any extension of HS2 to Scotland any more it would appear. The Transport Secretary hardly oozes sympathy in his reactions to Burnham’s concerns:

“If we spend £6bn or £7bn building the station underground at Manchester, we will take away from Liverpool, Leeds, Hull or some of the other places that are calling for money … Manchester is a principal beneficiary of this entire programme and we wish his constituents well in their new journey times.”

Journey times, journey times.

Meanwhile, whilst London is certainly suffering in terms of the unrelieved financial pressures upon Transport for London (see eg Nick Bowes’ Centre for London 10 November 2021 blog post Mind the gap: What’s next for the funding crisis at the heart of London’s transport system), there is at least finally some good news around the corner: Crossrail starts final testing phase ahead of opening (IanVisits, 22 November 2021).

The integrated rail plan and what it does or doesn’t do for levelling up is going to be the topic for this week’s clubhouse Planning Law Unplanned session. Guest speakers cover all the bases: from Birmingham the aforementioned Jonathan Stott, from Manchester Urbed’s Vicky Payne, from Leeds barrister Stephanie Hall and from London my Town partner Raj Gupta. Join us via this link.

Courtesy the Bash Mash and JonLawton10