As in the Planning and Infrastructure Bill. And as in how much is the bill and who pays it?
There has been much noise over Part 3 of the Planning and Infrastructure Bill (“development and nature recovery”) since the Bill was introduced into Parliament on 11 March 2025. For what it’s worth (maybe not a lot), I’ve been trying to work out what I think.
If you would like a summary of Part 3 as introduced, please see colleague Susie Herbert’s 13 March 2025 guest blog post PI Bill Guest Post – Some Early Thoughts On The Bill’s Nature Recovery Provisions. I then summarised some of the criticism of Part 3 in my 11 May 2025 blog post, Nature Recovery Position.
On the day that the Lords Committee stage started, 17 July 2025, the Government tabled a series of amendments to Part 3, seeking to strengthen it – see Summary: Planning and Infrastructure Bill, Government Amendments to Part 3 (Lords Committee Stage) (17 July 2025) and the amendments themselves tabled for Committee on 17 September (those tabled by Baroness Taylor relating to clauses 55 to 85).
The amendments had followed discussions with conservation groups and environmental bodies (see e.g. UK government putting pressure on nature groups to drop opposition to planning bill (16 July 2025)). The Office for Environmental Protection welcomed the proposed amendments in a statement published that same day, 17 July 2025:
“The Office for Environmental Protection (OEP) has written to government to welcome its proposed changes to the Planning and Infrastructure Bill.
In advice to government on the Bill in May, the OEP identified a number of areas where it advised environmental protections should be strengthened, while recognising the government’s intent to secure ‘win-win’ outcomes for development and for nature.
Government has now published details of a series of proposed amendments to the Bill.
OEP Chair Dame Glenys Stacey said: “The government’s amendments go a long way towards addressing the issues we raised in our advice.
“I have written to Matthew Pennycook, Minister for Housing and Planning, to acknowledge the significant extent to which government has taken positive steps in response to our advice.
“The Bill sets out government’s intention to strike a different balance between risk and opportunity for nature protection and for development.
“While it is our view that, even after the material amendments the government proposes, the Bill would, in some respects, lower environmental protection on the face of the law, we think that, in the round, the additional safeguards proposed today make government’s intended “win-win” for nature and the economy a more likely prospect.
“Should the Bill receive Royal Assent, the practical implementation of the new measures will be key. We will continue to watch closely and to scrutinise how this significant change in environmental law is implemented.”
That may be said to be a rather limp thumbs-up, but it is certainly a thumbs-up. Given that the Environment Act 2021 gave the OEP the principal objective, in exercising its functions, of contributing to environmental protection and the improvement of the natural environment, and given that its role includes giving advice as to proposed changes in environmental law, and given that the OEP will, I have no doubt, scrutinise implementation every step of the way, one might take some comfort from that position.
However, the amendments haven’t completely quelled concerns. For example, see the statement by CIEEM (i.e. the Chartered Institute of Ecology and Environmental Management) published on 18 July 2025:
“We believe that the Government’s proposed amendments still fall short. They fail to guarantee the vital safeguards nature needs, fail to preserve hard-won protections for species and habitats, and overall, still represent a step backwards for environmental standards in England. And let us not forget that these environmental standards deliver significant economic, health and wellbeing benefits for us all. This battle has not just been about protecting nature for nature’s sake, but also protecting the vital benefits and services that nature provides.
While the proposed improvements to Environmental Delivery Plans (EDPs) are a step in the right direction, major flaws do remain.
Most notable is the glaring absence of the mitigation hierarchy – a cornerstone of current environmental protections. Without it – and the imperative to avoid adverse impacts on biodiversity from occurring in the first place – the Bill opens the door to the devastation of some of our most important natural sites and species. And whilst we note the Ministerial Statement recognises the use of the mitigation hierarchy in EDP development, such Statements are too easily reversed and do not have the strength of primary legislation.
Equally important, is the need for EDPs to guarantee that environmental compensation and enhancement happen before any damage is done – so as to avoid a dangerous nature deficit and to protect vulnerable species from local extinctions.”
One of the Part 3’s most vocal critics is solicitor Alexa Culver, legal counsel at RSK Wilding, a company which uses “habitat restoration as a means of offsetting clients’ biodiversity and carbon impacts while concurrently generating other environmental and social benefits”. Alexa certainly knows her stuff and posted on LinkedIn on 18 July 2025 her “Legal Analysis of Government’s Proposed Concessions to Part 3 of the Planning and Infrastructure Bill”. It is worth a read but in summary her concerns assert the lack of “any legally meaningful protections for habitats and species, or our environment”; that Part 3 would “override any requirement for a “mitigation hierarchy”; that “irreplaceable habitats remain unprotected”, that there “remains no legal liability on any party to deliver compensation measures under an EDP”, creating “unacceptable risks for developers, who may see planning permissions refused because EDPs are failing”, and that in the case of a failing EDP “remedial action may not take place until 10 years after unmitigated harms to nature have occurred”.
The Chancellor possibly didn’t calm the debate by then positing the issue as people in housing need versus snails; Rachel Reeves defends retreat over planning bill as tactical move to speed up reforms (FT, 22 July 2025):
“Chancellor Rachel Reeves has claimed the UK government made a tactical retreat over its flagship planning bill in an attempt to speed it on to the statute book.
Ministers have been accused of watering down provisions in the bill, but Reeves on Tuesday said she hoped that the concessions would help “shave off a couple of months” of parliamentary wrangling in the House of Lords.
“I care more about the young family getting on the housing ladder than I do about protecting some snails,” she told an end-of-term hearing of the Lords economic affairs committee.”
The Lords Committee stage hasn’t yet reached Part 3; this will not be until September.
It’s interesting and, I would say positive, that the OEP posits that the “the additional safeguards proposed … make government’s intended “win-win” for nature and the economy a more likely prospect.” The truth is surely that without these measures we just carry on in a lose-lose position? We’re not really protecting or improving the environment; we’re not building homes.
Bear with me:
First of all, what is the issue which I think that the government is trying to solve by way of Part 3, or at least what I think Part 3 should be focusing on?
There is a lot of abstract talk, but surely at the heart of it all is the specific “appropriate assessment” test in regulation 63 of the Conservation of Habitats and Species Regulations 2017: basically prohibiting an authority from approving “a plan or project that is likely to have a significant effect (either alone or in combination with other plans or projects)” on a European site or a European offshore marine site (i.e. basically a special area of conservation or special protection area) unless it has “ascertained that it will not adversely affect the integrity of the European site or the European offshore marine site (as the case may be).” The only exception is almost impossible to meet – if the authority:
“is satisfied that, there being no alternative solutions, the plan or project must be carried out for imperative reasons of overriding public interest (which, subject to paragraph (2), may be of a social or economic nature), it may agree to the plan or project notwithstanding a negative assessment of the implications for the European site or the European offshore marine site (as the case may be).
(2) Where the site concerned hosts a priority natural habitat type or a priority species, the reasons referred to in paragraph (1) must be either—
- reasons relating to human health, public safety or beneficial consequences of primary importance to the environment; or
- any other reasons which the competent authority, having due regard to the opinion of the appropriate authority, considers to be imperative reasons of overriding public interest.”
So (1) we have a test which, unusually, is substantive rather than just procedural – there is no such “pass/fail” test in relation to anything to do with, say, approving projects which may endanger human health or the most precious and unique of heritage assets.
(2) We have a test which has come to be interpreted extremely strictly by way of European and domestic case law – see e.g. the 2018 CJEU Dutch nitrates deposition cases (concerning authorisations for schemes for schemes for agricultural activities in sites protected by the Habitats Directive and where nitrogen deposition levels already exceeded the critical load) and all that has followed.
(3) Largely due to systematic under-investment and mismanagement by successive governments in relation to the regulation of the water industry, of farming processes and of the use of fossil fuels, the ecological integrity of various special areas of conservation and special protection areas is already at or beyond tipping point, leading to the various de facto recommended vetoes on development by way of advice from English Nature: nutrient neutrality requirements in some areas, water neutrality requirements in others (NB the Chancellor’s “homes vs snails” comment is directly relevant to the north Sussex situation), restrictions on additional traffic generating development due to issues of nitrogen deposition in others and in yet others restrictions on homes due to the risk of additional recreational pressure on specific protected sites.
(4) Due to organisational inertia and possibly the lack of prioritised resources, authorities, often working with Natural England and/or the Environment Agency and other bodies, have been slow (at best – sometimes AWOL) in arriving at strategic schemes to mitigate or avoid adverse effects, meaning these vetoes on house building as well as, often, other forms of development, stay in place for years, with only the largest of individual projects able to arrive at a site-specific means of passing the “appropriate assessment” test, often with a consequent hit to viability affecting for instance the level of affordable housing that can be provided. Maybe – local politics – it even suits some local authorities to have those vetoes remaining in place?
I have written about this repeatedly. Stuck record.
29 June 2019 Another Green World: The South Coast Nitrate Crisis
9 October 2021 Development Embargos: Nitrate, Phosphate & Now Water
18 March 2022 New NE Nutrient Neutrality & Recreational Impact Restrictions (+ DEFRA Nature Recovery Green Paper)
26 March 2022 More On That Natural England Advice
16 July 2022 Neutrality
All this time, a lose-lose.
The previous government snatched at a solution to the nutrients issue, which I described in my 29 August 2023 blog post The Government’s Big Move On Nutrient Neutrality – Now We Have Seen The Government’s LURB Amendment – which envisaged simply excluding from the “appropriate assessment” test any “potentially adverse effect on a relevant site caused by nutrients in urban waste water, whether alone or in combination with other factors.” This was so much more radical – and environmentally regressive – than anything proposed within Part 3 of the current Bill. Of course, it was decisively defeated in the Lords – see my 16 September 2023 blog post NN No.
We do need a solution! The Conservatives’ solution was never going to work. To the extent that Part 3 would enable the Secretary of State to give Natural England the role of coming up with tested plans, with strategic solutions to secure the recovery of special areas of conservation and special protection areas and to arrive at mechanisms for securing contributions from developers towards those measures – allowing individual developers having diffuse off-site impacts of the ecological condition of those sites to know that the “appropriate assessment” test is not for them to address (unless they want to embark on a site-specific solution) and that they can simply pay their way – I am supportive of Part 3. As OEP concludes, a win-win.
My concerns are probably coming from a different place to some of the opponents to Part 3:
- I have deep scepticism as to how quickly or pragmatically these plans will in fact be delivered by Natural England, without a significant ramping-up of the organisation’s capacity and capability. And notwithstanding environmental campaigners’ concerns that Natural England will in some way, without specific legal duties, be soft as to what they require, the reality is surely that, far from for instance not applying the mitigation hierarchy or allowing irreplaceable habitats to be harmed, there is surely as much of a risk that they will “gold plate” what is required.
- Is the Government being too ambitious in its framing of Part 3 as enabling EDPs not just to address these specific “diffuse off-site impacts” situations I have focused on in this post, but enabling them to address the ecological value of the particular development site itself, reducing the amount of on-site assessment required? For myself, I do still wonder whether this goes too far and whether, in any event, this will not in practice be the focus of initial EDPs.
Agree or disagree? Planning lawyer blog writers are certainly not a species with any form of protection so please do your worst.
Simon Ricketts, 3 August 2025
Personal views, et cetera
SIMONICITY 